Retired general speaks out against across-the-board spending cuts

Retired General Carter Ham, former head of U.S. Africa Command, speaks out against across-the-board spending cuts at the National Association for Business Economics in San Francisco:

“My least-favorite saying on the planet is to ‘do more with less.’ You don’t do more with less, you do less with less,” Gen. Ham said. “You have to figure out what’s most important.”

One solution would be to give federal agencies the flexibility to find savings where they can, rather than mandating how they make the cuts, he said. The government also needs to have frank discussions about how to reduce the military budget and shift priorities to address current and future threats.

~ From Sarah Portlock at WSJ online.

Read more at Retired General to Economists: Economic Stability Drives National Security – Real Time Economics – WSJ.

Why this is a bad time to win an election | Business Spectator

Prof. Steve Keen writes:

So what could the future hold for Prime Minister Abbott? Here I have a hunch that he’ll end up suffering a similar fate, not to the previous Liberal leader he admires – John Howard – but to ….. Malcolm Fraser.

Fraser, as noted, had the good fortune to take over from Whitlam after the bursting of the debt bubble was largely over, but the bad fortune that the revival in Australia’s bubble was considerably more anaemic than America’s. Abbott could well find himself experiencing a similar double-edged sword of fate. He will take over when the deleveraging that caused the GFC has come to a temporary halt, and demand will be rising in the US….. But this rise could peter out even more quickly than it did for Fraser, leading to anaemic economic performance that will be blamed on the politician rather than the times.

Read more at Why this is a bad time to win an election | Business Spectator.

Vickers calls for doubling of bank capital levels | FT.com

“It is not very sensible to run a market economy on the basis of a banking system that is 33 times leveraged, let alone 40 or 50 times leveraged,” Sir John [Sir John Vickers, Oxford academic who chaired the Independent Commission on Banking] told the Financial Times. He believes the right number is closer to 10 times, equivalent to a 10 per cent ratio.

That is a lot higher than the 3 per cent (33 times leverage) required by Basel III and the 4.1% (CBA) to 4.5% (WBC) of the big four Australian banks.

Read more at Vickers calls for doubling of bank capital levels – FT.com.

Fed’s Fisher Slams Congress Over Fiscal Policy | WSJ

Rob Curran at WSJ reports on a speech by Dallas Fed President Richard Fisher:

Speaking at a luncheon hosted by financial-industry trade group the Dallas Estate Planning Council at the Dallas Country Club, Mr. Fisher said the central bank has done all it can to stimulate the U.S. economy. He said members of Congress–both Republicans and Democrats–have failed to do their part. Elected officials have “sold our children–and our grandchildren–down the river,” Mr. Fisher said. “We haven’t had a budget for five years; no one knows what their taxes are going to be; no one knows what spending is going to be.”

The Dallas Fed president has long maintained that the missing ingredient in the economic recovery is a sound fiscal policy.

via Fed’s Fisher Slams Congress Over Fiscal Policy – Real Time Economics – WSJ.

The BRICs party is over | Anders Aslund | Vox

Anders Åslund:

From 2000 to 2008 the world went through one of the greatest commodity and credit booms of all times. Goldman Sachs preached that the BRICs were unstoppable….

However, Genesis warns that after seven years of plenty, “seven years of famine will come and the famine will ravage the land”. Genesis appears to have described the combined commodity and credit cycle, from which the Brazil, Russia, India and China have benefited more than their due….

Read more at The BRICs party is over | vox.

Saul Eslake: 50 years of housing policy failure | | MacroBusiness

Leith van Onselen quotes Saul Eslake:

Research by Judy Yates of the University of NSW shows that home ownership rates among younger age groups declined dramatically between the 1991 and 2011 Censuses – from 56% to 47% among 25-34 year olds; from 75% to 64% among 35-44 year olds; from 81% to 73% among 45-54 year olds; and 84% to 79% among those over 55…

Eslake also nails one of my pet hates: federal/state intervention in the housing market to boost demand, driving up prices and fueling the housing bubble:

Eslake puts the recent failure of housing supply to keep up with demand down to two main factors, namely:

  • The decline in the provision of social housing; and
  • Restrictive state and local government planning schemes and upfront charging for development and infrastructure.

Eslake is particularly scathing of policies that boost demand, such as FHB Grants and negative gearing.

Read more at Saul Eslake: 50 years of housing policy failure | | MacroBusiness.

GM and Toyota may follow Ford’s lead and shut plants in Australia – Quartz

Nandagopal J. Nair writes:

The biggest drag is is a strong Australian dollar, which is making local manufacturing uncompetitive compared to imports. Over the past 12 months the currency has traded about 30% above its three-decade average. Its strength has pushed up manufacturing costs, making Australia the third most expensive country to do business in, according to the IMF.

Read more at GM and Toyota may follow Ford’s lead and shut plants in Australia – Quartz.

John Mauldin: Effect of the taper

The last two times the Fed has ended a period of quantitative easing, the air has come out of the market balloon. Has this coming move been so telegraphed that the reaction will be different than in the past, or will we see the same result? Want to bet your bonus on it? Or your retirement?

~ John Mauldin

See graph at Mauldin Economics

High-speed gravy trains

Infrastructure spending is fraught with pitfalls. One of the most dangerous is lobbying by special interest groups who stand to profit from the project.

Dr Richard Wellings from the Institute of Economic Affairs recently completed a report on the UK’s £43 billion High Speed 2 rail project — close to £80 billion if fully costed — and comments:

It’s time the government abandoned its plans to proceed with HS2. The evidence is now overwhelming that this will be unbelievably costly to the taxpayer while delivering incredibly poor value for money.

It’s shameful that at a time of such financial difficulty for many families the government is caving in to lobbying from businesses, local councils and self-interested politicians more concerned with winning votes than governing in the national interest.

The conclusions in his report The High-Speed Gravy Train: Special Interests, Transport Policy and Government Spending are even more damning:

  • The decision to build High Speed 2 is not justified by an analysis of the costs and benefits of the scheme. Even the government’s own figures suggest that HS2 represents poor value for money compared with alternative investments in transport infrastructure.
  • Ministers appear to have disregarded the economic evidence and have chosen to proceed with the project for political reasons. An analysis of the incentives facing transport policymakers provides plausible explanations for their tendency to favour a low-return, high-risk project over high-return, low-risk alternatives.
  • A group of powerful special interests appears to have had a disproportionate influence on the government’s decision to build HS2. The high-speed-rail lobby includes engineering firms likely to receive contracts to build the infrastructure and trains for HS2, as well as senior officials of the local authorities and transport bureaucracies that expect to benefit from the new line.
  • An effective lobbying campaign in favour of HS2 was initiated and funded by concentrated interests expecting to make economic gains from the project. This effort appears to have been effective at marshalling support for the scheme among policymakers.
  • ‘Vote buying’ incentives were also important in building political support for a high-speed line. The policy was initially adopted partly as a response to local opposition to Heathrow expansion.
  • The main losers from HS2 – the taxpayers in every part of the UK who will be forced to fund it – are highly dispersed, and therefore have weak incentives to actively oppose it. By contrast, members of communities along the route, where losses are concentrated, have had very strong incentives to campaign. This pattern of activity has enabled the debate to be misleadingly framed in the media in terms of local objections versus national economic benefits.
  • Policymakers have strong incentives to ‘buy off’ opposition along the route at the expense of taxpayers, for example by increasing the amount of tunnelling or diverting the line. The large scale of HS2, its high political salience and its potential electoral importance, increase the risk that budgets will be expanded.
  • Local authorities, transport bureaucracies and business groups are already lobbying central government to fund new infrastructure along the route, with several schemes already identified. HS2 will trigger billions of pounds of additional expenditure on commercially loss-making, taxpayer-funded projects.
  • Along with design changes to ‘buy off’ opposition and subsidised regeneration projects, these proposals threaten to push total spending far beyond the basic budget. £80 billion plus is a plausible estimate of the overall cost, if these extras and the trains are included.
  • In addition to the direct costs, there will be even larger opportunity costs from the misallocation of transport investment. Institutional reform is needed to reduce the malign influence of rent-seeking special interests on transport policy. New infrastructure could then be provided on a more economically rational basis.

California is undertaking a similar scale high-speed rail project to connect Los Angeles and San Francisco. Elon Musk, founder of Tesla and SpaceX, has proposed an alternative Hyperloop solution that would transport travellers four times as fast at one-tenth of the cost. Debate still rages over whether the concept is viable, but the fact that alternatives were never adequately explored highlights the dangers inherent in allowing political control of infrastructure spending.

Unless adequate safeguards are in place to minimize political interference and adhere to market-related rates of return on investment, taxpayer funds are likely to be wasted on gigantic projects that are an ongoing burden on the fiscal budget.